This is the End and a New Beginning
8 months ago
A Blog About Educating Myself
Again, there's a lot to find attractive, especially in the closing of the second paragraph but the article as a whole is very typical of right wing rhetoric. If we'd just return to the state of affairs which supposedly existed in the white-bread suburban 1950s, all of our country's problems would be solved. So far, there's not much going on to link this to the culture of technology.Even when members of the country class happen to be government officials or officers of major corporations, their concerns are essentially private; in their view, government owes to its people equal treatment rather than action to correct what anyone perceives as imbalance or grievance. Hence they tend to oppose special treatment, whether for corporations or for social categories. Rather than gaming government regulations, they try to stay as far from them as possible. Thus the Supreme Court's 2005 decision in Kelo, which allows the private property of some to be taken by others with better connections to government, reminded the country class that government is not its friend. Negative orientation to privilege distinguishes the corporate officer who tries to keep his company from joining the Business Council of large corporations who have close ties with government from the fellow in the next office. The first wants the company to grow by producing. The second wants it to grow by moving to the trough. It sets apart the schoolteacher who resents the union to which he is forced to belong for putting the union's interests above those of parents who want to choose their children's schools. In general, the country class includes all those in stations high and low who are aghast at how relatively little honest work yields, by comparison with what just a little connection with the right bureaucracy can get you. It includes those who take the side of outsiders against insiders, of small institutions against large ones, of local government against the state or federal. The country class is convinced that big business, big government, and big finance are linked as never before and that ordinary people are more unequal than ever.
Something weird is happening on the American Right. Over at Politico Magazine, Michael Auslin, a resident scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, has penned a column titled "America Needs a King."
Had Auslin's strange desire not come on the heels of Pat Buchanan's paean to Vladimir Putin, or an anti-democracy movement being championed by tech libertarians like Peter Thiel, the co-founder of PayPal, one might see this as merely an example of an academic being intellectually provocative. In other words, "trolling" us.
But this isn't mere trolling. It's a trend.
Now, there has always been an element of the Catholic Right with monarchical tendencies. But, for a variety of reasons, this fringe idea seems to be gaining some mainstream traction.
Auslin's fundamental proposal is to create a position above the presidency, to which he assigns the rather Orwellian title "our First Citizen." This would be a symbolic post meant to unite Americans around something they have in common, even as public opinion is split over our more partisan political officials. "Let America's presidents be politicians — slinging mud, cutting deals, and knifing others in the back," he writes. "Just don’t let them pretend they represent all of us."Now, I don't agree that this is a new trend in conservatism. Just watch an episode of Downton Abbey and you'll see that being a monarchist has a fairly long tradition in conservative circles. Perhaps it is the recent addition of fairly liberal values to American conservatism which "weird". Lewis' mention of Peter Thiel indicates the connection to Silicon Valley. Thiel is famous for saying that freedom and democracy are incompatible. He's also famous for wanting to create
Don't let the seemingly self contradictory title fool you. Anissimov and others wholeheartedly that traditional monarchies are not inherently totalitarian. A monarchic state should be small, technologically advanced enough to ensure safety and some degree of economic prosperity (defined in a classically liberal sense I guess, it's not very clear to me). Social order and peace are more important than, say, self determination or free speech. Essential to this project is the ability of people to move freely from one small monarchy to another. Similar to "voting with your feet" or a self-regulating free market where inferior products are not purchased, people not sufficiently happy in on monarchy would move to a different one. They promise that no monarch would stop the flow of people. Actually, no. They don't promise that. I'm not sure what the guarantor for free movement would be.Traditional monarchy is not totalitarian. It would be less totalitarian than our current republican state. The republican state consumes 40% of GDP, whereas an incipient monarchy would more likely consume around 20% of GDP, lowering to 5% or less in the longer term, once it had built up some capital.
As I’ve stated previously, I do not think it is likely that the United States as a whole could ever become a monarchy, nor would I want it to become one. More likely than not, a monarchy would be revived in some European country that is compelled to make a desperate move. Perhaps Greece or Romania.
The primary motivation behind establishing a new monarchy would be for a cultural aesthetic and nativist benefits, not economic maximization.
Hitler, for instance. We may not have Hitler. We may not be Hitler. But we could cloneHitler! (And if the Russians have lost that skull fragment, we can back-breed a new race of Hitlers. Indeed, this has already been done - with cows.) Without any field-testing at all, with only one try to get it right, can we satisfy ourselves that the result of the Procedure will be actual sane government - and not Hitler?
Indeed we can. But not through hope, good thoughts and the power of positive thinking. There is only one dark, half-magical art that can produce reliable quality on the first try. It uses no newt blood at all. It is called engineering.
The Reaction is Hitler-free because its engineers the Hitler-phenomenon understand precisely, and to avoid it take precautions effective and redundant. Unlike Wernher von Braun, we at UR care where the rockets come down.
Rocket science is a perfect analogy. Every time NASA fires off some colossal shoulder of techno-pork to some random, godforsaken interplanetary destination, it ships one or two hundred custom widgets, each of which is designed to work perfectly on the first try. Often, all do. Sometimes, one or two fail. Then backups take over, and work a little less well.
Political engineering is rocket science, too. It demands no less cogency and care. In particular, romantic illusions are as misplaced in the political engineer's cubicle as a topless calendar in the gynecologist's office. The reactionary takes the biped as she is. Reality alone - bleak, elegant, mindless reality - is the null device on her black flag. Anyone who tells the truth, who believes her own lying eyes, who knows whereof the fsck she speaks, is in that moment as bitter and uncompromising a reactionary as ever put foot on the earth.When Moldbug writes about The Reaction, he is referring to the moment when a society decided to undo it's democratic structure and turn toward a monarchy. So yeah, avoiding having a Hitler as your king is merely a feat of political engineering no different than launching a rocket. The engineers, therefore, are the ones who run the show, they organize The Reaction and establish the post-democratic state which will be perfectly engineered to avoid bad outcomes. There's a lot more to his posts but I don't have room here. If you really want to, go read them.
4. Traditional sex roles are basically a good idea.
It’s tiresome to go into this one, since the feminists are so rabid about it, but reactionaries basically approve of traditional sex roles. In traditional societies, women did in fact take on some jobs and roles that might be considered careers by today’s standards. They were not all stay-at-home wives, and even if they were, many were extremely industrious. I’m not sure why staying at home, making clothing, cooking, gardening, and raising children is any less empowering or worthwhile than male activities like digging ditches, welding, or sitting at an office desk on a computer all day.
Conversely, if a man chooses to stay home and raise children, many other men will think less of him. No amount of progressive propaganda and reeducation camps will change this, because it’s hard-coded into our brains through millions of years of evolution. Men respect other men who go out into the world and do masculine things. Similarly, the pressure to conform to gender norms is stronger in all-girl schools than in mixed schools, exploding the myth that it is men who instigate and police gender norms, to the detriment of women. People can and do create bizarro-world bubbles where these roles are turned upside-down, but they are not very stable.In my mind, focus on gender roles is the link between the fairly classic conservative preference for monarchy and centralized power and the decentralized, anonymous nature of internet culture. We've seen over the years an almost rabid anti-feminist and anti-woman trend in various online forums. Recently, the online threats of rape and sexual violence have spilled over into the real world. Women are harassed at conventions and in the workplaces of large tech companies. Twitter meekly tries to cut down on threats with a report button. Police flat out decline to track down individuals behind posts which threaten rape and murder. Assessing these issues, Ross Douthat writes:
Cases like Watson’s [the woman harassed at a Skeptic's conference] suggest that there’s a chauvinist attitude in play here, a kind of crypto-ideology of sex and gender, that doesn’t map neatly onto what we usually think of as culture-war divides. This attitude is “liberal” in that it regards sexual license as an unalloyed good, and treats any kind of social or religious conservatism as a dead letter. But at the same time it wants to rebel and lash out against the strictures it feels that feminism and political correctness have placed on male liberty, male rights.
Neoreactionaries believe “The Cathedral,” is a meta-institution that consists largely of Harvard and other Ivy League schools, The New York Times and various civil servants. Anissimov calls it a “self-organizing consensus.” Sometimes the term is used synonymously with political correctness. The fundamental idea is that the Cathedral regulates our discussions enforces a set of norms as to what sorts of ideas are acceptable and how we view history — it controls the Overton window, in other words.That's practically the same persecution complex we see explained by those defending the online misogyny as free speech. Nobody wants to be told their views are wrong so they attack the whole system as political correctness and "thought police". Additionally, neo-reactionaries dismiss the traditional left-right divide and consider elites of both parties to be part of the problem.
it's much worse even than this really, Bill Gates or one of his buddies is in front of congress every 6 months dicsussing the doom the US economy will suffer if the number of H1B visas isn't expanded when really Microsoft, Google, Apple, etc. just want to import more engineers that will work for less, further depressing wages.He reminds me that tech companies like very much to pretend that they're different from the big evil banks and blue chip companies who've captured so much of the Washington regulatory and legislative apparatus. They make hay about net neutrality and governmental surveillance - they're totally on the side of the little guy! They support transparency and open societies and mildly populist ideas! While, in reality, they are playing the same games as every other company. Silicon Valley is the same as Wall St.
Is digital technology destroying middle-class jobs? Does it exacerbate income inequality? Does it boost economic growth and productivity — without creating the jobs that ought to come with economic growth?Last month I gave space to a book titled “Who Owns the Future?” by the computer scientist Jaron Lanier. His answer was an unequivocal yes. He tellingly compared the great photography company of the analog age, Kodak, with the hot photography company of the moment, Instagram. At its peak, Kodak employed 140,000 people; Instagram had only 13 employeeswhen it was bought by Facebook (for $1 billion!) in 2012.
Mr Clark draws upon research that uses surnames to track status over centuries. The academics he follows have mined sources as varied as the Domesday Book, the Royal Society’s records, even membership of the American Medical Association, in order to find surnames that are over-represented in elite positions. Researchers then track how long it takes those monied surnames to lose their wealth-predicting power.With surprising consistency across countries and eras, mobility is found to be painfully slow. Birth has predicted more than 50% of one’s income or education status, Mr Clark reckons. Erasing the legacy of past prosperity takes 10-15 generations rather than the three or four implied by sunnier estimates. So the shadow of 18th-century wealth still darkens income distributions today.That is the most unexpected finding. Efforts to democratise education and eliminate discrimination over the past century appear to have had no discernible effect on mobility, leading Mr Clark to conclude that mobility is strongly linked to underlying social competence—an “inescapable inherited” trait. Only the intermarriage of people who are more prosperous and educated with those less fortunate will dilute the genetic resources of well-off families, slowly pushing them back towards the average and preventing the rise of a permanent overclass.Oddly, Mr Clark judges the world to be “a much fairer place than we intuit.” He explains this by stating that the rich acquire their wealth because they are clever and work hard, and not because the system is rigged. The world is less corrupt and nepotistic than people might think.While I don't know much about the credibility of his methods in social scientific circles, it's certainly an interesting point. I firmly believe that events far in the past have lasting effects. American slavery and the decimation of the South after the Civil War are two prime examples. I'm also of the opinion that an aristocracy still exists under the cover of a meritocratic myth. As I noted above, societies which are sufficient mobile will tolerate a good deal of inequality. The myth of meritocracy in America is that most, if not all, people have access to the same opportunities; therefore, those who succeed are those who made the most of their opportunities. Pay no mind to the fact that it's the same sorts of people succeeding generation after generation - at least it's not strictly hereditary! Anyone paying attention, of course, realizes that opportunities are not distributed equally and that a wide variety of factors influence success. The Son Also Rises indicated that the myth of meritocracy has roots hundreds of years in the past. It also provides the necessary transition to the next part of my thinking.
Many people confuse Constructivist (learning theory) with social constructivism. Constructivist learning theory is associated with high order learning of mature learners, androgogy or heutagogy, not early learning as discussed by the Cognitivist, Piaget[39] or Vygotsky,[40] whose research focused on children and sequential learning. Social constructivism is not congruent with the Constructivist learning theory. Dewey, Montessori, and Kolb represent the Constructivist learning theory where experiential learning occurs through real life experience to construct and conditionalize knowledge, and a mentor guides the mature learner. Piaget, Bruner, and Vygotsky are Cognitivist who work with young children and base their learning theories upon sequential development of mental processes scaffolded by an instructor.[41]
The second is the debate headliner from Atlantic writer Peg Tyre, The Writing Revolution:We have become accustomed to thinking of educational failure as a function of a teacher's lack of effort, talent, or training. But sometimes the problem lies specifically in what we train teachers to do. Nowhere is this more evident than in the way we teach reading and writing to some of our most vulnerable students.Every day, for two hours a day, I led my young students through Reader's and Writer's Workshop. I was trained not to address my kids as "students" or "class" but as "authors" and "readers." We gathered "seed ideas" in our Writer's Notebooks. We crafted "small moment" stories, personal narratives, and memoirs. We peer edited. We "shared out." Gathered with them on the rug, I explained to my 10-year-olds that "good writers find ideas from things that happened in their lives." That stories have "big ideas." That good writers "add detail," "stretch their words," and "spell the best they can."Teach grammar, sentence structure, and mechanics? I barely even taught. I "modeled" the habits of good readers and "coached" my students. What I called "teaching," my staff developer from Teacher's College dismissed as merely "giving directions." My job was to demonstrate what good readers and writers do and encourage my students to imitate and adopt those behaviors.
When I read this, I see cause and effect. There is a very clear connection between failure to prepare students for reading and writing in lower grades and high dropout rates in high school. When kids don't have the skills necessary to read and write, they fail. Once they enter high school, their failures become more consistent and more damaging. Kids find themselves having to take and retake standardized assessments as they fail one after another. Although these articles are both from New York, I have seen the same thing in two Georgia high schools. Ultimately, it's all a logical result of Constructivist approaches to education. Get the teacher out of the way and let the students express themselves. The result is confusion, discouragement, and failure.During her freshman year at New Dorp, a ’70s-style brick behemoth near a grimy beach, her history teacher asked her to write an essay on Alexander the Great. At a loss, she jotted down her opinion of the Macedonian ruler: “I think Alexander the Great was one of the best military leaders.” An essay? “Basically, that wasn’t going to happen,” she says, sweeping her blunt-cut brown hair from her brown eyes. “It was like, well, I got a sentence down. What now?” Monica’s mother, Santa, looked over her daughter’s answer—six simple sentences, one of which didn’t make sense—with a mixture of fear and frustration. Even a coherent, well-turned paragraph seemed beyond her daughter’s ability. An essay? “It just didn’t seem like something Monica could ever do.”For decades, no one at New Dorp seemed to know how to help low-performing students like Monica, and unfortunately, this troubled population made up most of the school, which caters primarily to students from poor and working-class families. In 2006, 82 percent of freshmen entered the school reading below grade level. Students routinely scored poorly on the English and history Regents exams, a New York State graduation requirement: the essay questions were just too difficult. Many would simply write a sentence or two and shut the test booklet. In the spring of 2007, when administrators calculated graduation rates, they found that four out of 10 students who had started New Dorp as freshmen had dropped out, making it one of the 2,000 or so lowest-performing high schools in the nation.
And so the school’s principal, Deirdre DeAngelis, began a detailed investigation into why, ultimately, New Dorp’s students were failing. By 2008, she and her faculty had come to a singular answer: bad writing. Students’ inability to translate thoughts into coherent, well-argued sentences, paragraphs, and essays was severely impeding intellectual growth in many subjects. Consistently, one of the largest differences between failing and successful students was that only the latter could express their thoughts on the page....
Pass rates for the English Regents, for example, bounced from 67 percent in June 2009 to 89 percent in 2011; for the global-history exam, pass rates rose from 64 to 75 percent. The school reduced its Regents-repeater classes—cram courses designed to help struggling students collect a graduation requirement—from five classes of 35 students to two classes of 20 students.The Standardization:
Again, environment is key. But unlike HCZ, many of the schools being launched nation wide are merely aping the language of Constructivism to gain access to state and federal education money. Often times they are no more effective than traditional schools yet they are just as expensive. Here's a great example from Students First, the "non-profit" company started by Michelle Rhee after she abandoned Washington DC schools:Called "one of the most ambitious social-service experiments of our time," by The New York Times, the Harlem Children's Zone Project is a unique, holistic approach to rebuilding a community so that its children can stay on track through college and go on to the job market.The goal is to create a "tipping point" in the neighborhood so that children are surrounded by an enriching environment of college-oriented peers and supportive adults, a counterweight to "the street" and a toxic popular culture that glorifies misogyny and anti-social behavior.
Michelle summed it up this way: "We very, very strongly believe at StudentsFirst there is no shortage of great educators who are out there. We know that every kid can learn regardless of what obstacles they face, if they're in a good school environment. The bottom line is that they're forced to operate in this incredibly bureaucratic environment that is driven by antiquated laws and policies."Which vision sounds more like an "incredibly bureaucratic environment that is driven by antiquated laws and policies?" One in which local schools and districts are able to make independent decisions about how to teach their students or Rhee's solution: more standardization, more centralization, and more accountability measures based on Constructivist ideas of learning, like Common Core:
Common Core makes it possible to measure the progress of students from state to state against the same metrics, enabling policymakers to make better decisions regarding everything from adoption of instructional methods to resource allocations to professional development.
Politics based on lobbying stacks the deck against lower-income groups, who are often outmaneuvered. For instance, one of the biggest problems faced by the poor today is inadequate K-12 education. They need improved public schools, more school choice, or some mix of both. Over time, such improvements would help deal with many other social and economic issues, including global competitiveness, domestic unemployment, public health and the budget deficit, because quality education has many beneficial effects.
Instead, the current system of transfers offers to the poor various sops in place of more effective reforms. Fundamental improvements to education would involve more challenging changes to residential zoning, teacher unions and certification systems, and might also take some educational finance and control out of the hands of local municipalities. It is no surprise that well-off families want to keep a system that has done very well by them, and that the poor often lose political battles over education.